SUMMARY

EDITORIAL: A dialog is now necessary

1. INTERNAL POLITICS

a. Government and parliament activity

b. Mwando Nsimba has begun consultations to identify a Parliamentary Majority

c. An assembly of political forces “committed to change”

d. The UDPS persists in boycotting institutions, but not everyone agrees

2. THE EPISCOPAL CONFERENCE OF THE CONGO

3. THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY

4. A NECESSARY DIALOG

5. A LETTER FROM SOUTH KIVU

 

EDITORIAL: A DIALOG IS NOW NECESSARY

 

At the end of their convention, the opposition parties “committed to change” decided that party members who were elected as delegates in the last legislative elections should take their places in the National Assembly. Certain Members of Etienne Tshisekedi’s Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS) made the same choice despite their party’s clearly opposing position. The former Prime Minister, along with his government, has resigned, giving way to an interim government. Appointed by President Kabila, Charles Mwando Nsimba has begun consulting with different parties, of both the majority and the opposition, in order to identify a parliamentary majority that would form the basis of the new government. This appears to be a step toward the “normalization” of the political scene, but this might only be an illusion.

The many massive irregularities and accounts of fraud that characterized the last presidential and legislative elections are still a bitter memory for the Congolese, and rightfully so. This memory places a shadow on the current political scene. Even though it would be difficult, even impossible, to determine the overall margin of error at the national level, it is nevertheless certain that the election results published by the electoral commission do not reflect the reality of the situation. Therefore, the current majority and opposition could only be considered “hypothetical,” “artificial,” and “fictional.” This situation could lead the country towards instability and non-governability. To avoid this worst-case scenario, it is now necessary for the majority and opposition, even if they are “unreal,” to meet and have a dialog, even at the price of certain concessions from both sides, in order to find common ground, points of agreement, and cooperation, for the greater good of the entire country.

1. INTERNAL POLITICS

 

a. Government and Parliament Activity

On March 6th, Prime Minister Adolph Muzito submitted his resignation to President Joseph Kabila. This resignation entails that of his entire government.

The outgoing government spokesperson, Lambert Mende, who confirmed the resignation of Adolph Muzito, indicated that this step is constitutional and that all the current ministers, elected national delegates or not, are also resigning: “Ultimately, the government is based on the legislature. There is a new National Assembly that was just put into place. It is important that the outgoing government frees the President of the Republic to create a new government.”

Elected to the National Assembly, Adolph Muzito was faced with the incompatibility with his role as Prime Minister, according to articles 77 and 78 of the Electoral Law. Article 78 stipulates that all national, provincial, municipal, or urban representatives have eight days to make the choice between their new mandates or their previous positions.

Besides the Prime Minister, twenty-two members of Muzito’s government elected as delegates also opted to sit on the National Assembly, and will therefore give up their ministerial positions. A delegation of these 22 ministers all submitted on the same Tuesday their letters to the provisional board of the National Assembly accepting their mandates as delegates.

On March 6th, President Joseph Kabila appointed Louis Koyagialo as Interim Prime Minister. Former Vice Prime Minister and Minister of Post, Telephones, and Telecommunications (PTT), Louis Koyagialo will manage current affairs while awaiting the nomination of the next Prime Minister.

On March 8th, President Joseph Kabila appointed Charles Mwando Nsimba as an informant, with the task of identifying the majority coalition of the National Assembly, in view of forming the new government. Article 78 of the constitution allows him thirty days, renewable only once, to give his mission report to the Chief of State, who will then designate the prospective prime minister, tasked with forming the new government. National president of the National Union of Federalist Democrats, UNADEF, a member party of the Presidential Majority, and the elected delegate of Kalemie, in Katanga, Charles Mwando Nsimba held the position of Minister of Defense in Muzito’s government.

On March 9th, Louis-Alphonse Koyagialo, Interim Prime Minister, published a new report of the duties attributed to the different ministers of former Prime Minister Adolphe Muzito’s outgoing government.

The objective of reorganizing the functions of the interim government is to reallocate the ministries left vacant after the departure of the members of the government elected to the National Assembly who can no longer fulfill their duties because of incompatibility. According to the chart drawn up by the Interim Prime Minister, each minister is responsible for at least two ministries.

The government of Louis Koyagialo is responsible for taking care of current affairs while awaiting the formation of the new government.

On March 15th, the Vice President of the Senate, Mokolo wa Pombo, who presided over the opening of the senate’s standard session, declared that the country cannot afford a crisis of legitimacy. The upper chamber can only be renewed by organizing the provincial elections. Mokolo wa Pombo asked the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) to make an effort to correct past errors and to perfect the electoral process “in a climate of real transparency.” To avoid errors and irregularities in the organization of future elections, the senate proposed including civil society organizations in the CENI. According to Mokolo wa Pombo, the senate is convinced that the presence of civil society organizations, as well instituting a collective organization with broader control and decision-making, will improve the work of the CENI by ensuring most importantly: its independence, its efficiency, and its neutrality. The National Assembly has rejected this proposition.

The president of the CENI, Daniel Ngoy Mulunda, who was present at this function, affirmed that their institution is carrying out an evaluation. Only when this evaluation is complete will the bureau be able to comment on the organization of provincial, urban, municipal, and local elections.

On March 16th, during the plenary session, the national delegates voted on the internal rules by which their chamber will be run. Of the 392 elected representatives that took part in the vote, 311 were in favor of the draft presented by the Special Commission. 18 delegates disagreed with it, and 63 abstained from voting. The text will be sent to the Supreme Court of Justice, which will serve as the Constitutional Court. The court will reach a decision on its compliance with the Constitution of the Republic within fifteen days.

b. Mwando Nsimba has begun consultations to identify a Parliamentary Majority

On March 13th, Charles Mwando Nsimba, appointed as informant and tasked with gathering information by President Kabila, is working to identify a parliamentary majority before presiding over the formation of the new government. Certain observers are questioning the decision to assign this task when many ministers with ties to the Presidential Majority have already expressed their opinions on the subject of the political forces that constitute the majority party in the National Assembly. In response, Charles Mwando Nsimba has already announced that he will reach out to the Congolese political opposition as well with his consultations.

In fact, it is important for the President of the Republic to not narrow the field down to only his own political supporters, but to build a wide coalition of political parties, including those that oppose him. The consultations initiated by Charles Mwando Nsimba have involved opposition members, with the goal of forming a cabinet that includes members of various political affiliations. This result is as desirable for Joseph Kabila, who advocated for political openness in his inaugural address, as it is for the international community, whose ambassadors in the DRC, including most recently the American ambassador, have continued to emphasize an inclusive government involving opposition members, in order to put a halt to the political crisis that has prevailed since the election results of November 28, 2011.

It is this question that is of such great concern, both nationally and internationally. The approach expressed through the consultations that he has entrusted to Mwando Nsimba truly give the impression that Joseph Kabila is not limiting his choices only to the PPRD and its allies, or to the Presidential Majority. On the contrary, the president seems to be extending his range of action to the entire Congolese political sphere.

Jean-Claude Katende, president of the African Association for the Defense of Human Rights (ASADHO), thinks that in order to restore national cohesion and harmony, the government will need to include members of the Presidential Majority, the opposition, and civil society. “I think that democracy was defeated during the elections, since they were characterized by fraud, corruption, and many irregularities that prevented us from establishing who won,” Mr. Katende stated. For him, it is important in this situation that the government is formed out of national unity.

In response to the extended hand from Joseph Kabila in the form of his informant’s outreach towards the opposition, Valentin Mubake, the political advisor to Etienne Tshisekedi, has clearly stated that his party will not participate in the consultations initiated by this emissary of those in power. Within the UDPS, the position is that this approach is simply a distraction, since the majority that Joseph Kabila is seeking is clearly identifiable, and its real goal is to poach opposition delegates. These delegates have already been excluded from the UDPS for taking part in the National Assembly, since self-proclaimed President of the Republic Etienne Tshisekedi has nullified the legislative elections of November 28, 2011.

From Limete, the message is that the UDPS is ready to participate in any steps to resolve the political crisis caused by the November 28 elections, provided that Etienne Tshisekedi is recognized as the winner of the presidential election. Note that this condition had already been mentioned by certain members of the UDPS during a visit by the Catholic bishops to Limete.

Representative Basile Olongo also believes that by extending his consultations to the opposition, the informant appointed by the Head of State intends to convince certain members of the opposition parties to join the Presidential Majority. He thinks that Mwando Nsimba should simply identify the parliamentary majority and not extend his actions to the opposition.

Consultations, Parliamentary Majority: the people have been misled.

Looking at the schedule of consultations initiated by Mwando Nsimba, the invitations extended to “groups,” “political parties,” and “independents” is surprising.

Several political groups that were formed just before the elections of November 28th are not included in the list of parties and political groups to consult. Did some enchantment make them disappear, or were they simply swallowed up by their “natural parties”?

At the time, observers were already pondering the abundance of political parties. Was it democratic expression or political shortcoming? Both, said some, while others called it political strategy.

In hindsight, it is clear that whoever came up with these political strategies was seeking a “parliamentary majority” at all costs, achieved through obtaining an increased number of delegates, with no regard to their quality.

And what of these political parties that only existed on paper? According to sources, they were created impulsively in an effort to broaden the support base of the candidates for the election of November 28, 2011. At this point, all the evidence suggests that it was all nothing but a house of cards, with no real substance that could withstand the first real gust of wind.

The most blatant example among the groups that support the president is the PPPD, a party which did not campaign but still ended up in second place within the presidential camp. Oddly, it does not appear on the list of parties to consult. Omission? No one knows.

Among the opposition, there is no longer any mention of such platforms as SET (Support for Etienne Tshisekedi), AVK (Alternative Vital Kamerhe) or FORECO (United Forces of Opposition in the Congo). Against all expectation, some members of these circumstancial political parties were, in fact, consulted. Independence of action, freedom of political identity? No one knows that, either.

Under the scrutiny of this mission, the masks have fallen away. These parties’ electioneering strategies, intended to win elections to achieve a majority at any cost, have caught up with them.

Once more, the Congolese people have been cheated by a political class with limited vision, obsessed with the politics of immediate results, with no plans or specific ideas about the big national, regional and international issues. Their political maneuvers are shaped only by the pursuit of power for power’s sake. Even worse, the election results were distorted because the legitimate parties, both majority and opposition, were hindered by this political egocentricity.

If these consultations do not establish a new political dynamic, we can expect them to be a parody, since we know that certain political players have claimed a majority with 341 delegates.

c. An assembly of political forces “committed to change”

 

On March 14th, joined together under the platform “Forces Committed to Change” and emerging from their first political convention, held from March 5th to 14th, 2012, in Kinshasa, the political parties and groups that supported the candidature of Etienne Tshisekedi wa Mulumba for president in 2011 have opted to sit on the new National Assembly, reportedly “to better defend the deep aspirations of the Congolese.”

The participants worked in three committees. The first was charged with reflecting on the political crisis. The second considered the issue of participating in the National Assembly, and the third organized the Forces Committed to Change

– From the report from the Committee on the Post-electoral crisis, “it emerges that following the badly-organized elections of November 2011, an acute crisis of legitimacy has set in. The result is that there currently exist two Presidents of the Republic, one established by the CENI and the Supreme Court of Justice and the other elected by the Congolese people, based on the results posted by the different polling stations. The Forces Committed to Change declare loud and clear that it is President Etienne TSHISEKEDI who was elected President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo on November 28, 2011; as a result, he must be allowed to assume and exercise the power that was entrusted to him by the Congolese people. Indeed, at this time, the Congolese people do not identify with the current leaders and the entire international community is criticizing the elections of November 28, 2011.

The aforementioned committee’s report recommends, as the solution to this post-electoral political crisis, a frank dialog between political forces, the civil society and the international community with the goal of reestablishing the true outcome of the elections by recounting the votes.

The Forces Committed to Change also denounce the repeated violations of civil liberties in our country and demand: – The immediate and unconditional lifting of the police blockades put up around the residence of President Etienne TSHISEKEDI; – The release of all the political detainees such as Gabriel MOKIA, Jacques CHALUPA, Eddy KAPEND, the archbishop Fernando KUTINO as well as members of the political parties that form Forces Committed to Change and the DRC citizens recently extradited from South Africa and illegally incarcerated in Katanga; – Respect for our expatriate countrymen who have suffered unjustified harassment during their journeys from those in power.

– The Committee on participation in the National Assembly concluded that there are “two general tendencies, one in favor of participation in the National Assembly and one against. They came to an agreement in favor of the participation of the delegates of the Forces Committed to Change in the National Assembly in order to defend the deep aspirations of the Congolese people within this Institution of the Republic, with an aim to, among others: – reestablish the true outcome of the elections; – guarantee that the rest of the electoral process goes smoothly; – bring about the unconditional resignations of the entire board of the CENI and restructure it entirely.”

The option chosen by the Kinshasa assembly is not shared by Tshisekedi’s Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS) or Eugène Diomi Ndongala’s Christian Democracy (DC), who continue to support a boycott.

Martin Fayulu, a delegate from the Commitment to Citizenship and Development (ECIDE), who has decided to participate in the National Assembly, explains his choice: “It’s not about participating in order to provide support. It’s about participating in order to block to way for enemies of democracy.”

UDPS absent from convention of Forces Committed to Change.

Curiously, despite the fact that the meeting of political forces declaring themselves “committed to change” provided an effective framework for resolving the difficult problem of the participation in the National Assembly of the delegates from the UDPS and its allies, the UDPS was notably absent.

In a press release by the UDPS dated Tuesday, March 6, Etienne Tshisekedi’s party stated that they were excluded from the assembly by its organizers, a statement which has served to further widen the gap between the party and its allies.

After affirming that “in the name of freedom of opinion, the UDPS recognizes the right of all political actors and groups to meet and express their points of view on questions that concern the future of the nation,” the press release specifies that “as for the participation of the UDPS in this assembly of the Forces Committed to Change, as the party did not receive an invitation, no member of the UDPS of any level or function had the opportunity to take part or represent the party.”

The position of the UDPS leadership also covers the situation of the delegates sitting on the National Assembly who were aligned with the UDPS: “Regarding the question of the presence of members of the UDPS in the forum improperly called the ‘National Assembly,’ the UDPS presidency clarifies that this question is not applicable given that the elected President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo has nullified the legislative elections of November 28, 2011.” So, they are participating as individuals.

This development clearly indicates the inevitable division, first observed within the UDPS, whereby the delegates and the party leadership are no longer in agreement on the question of sitting in the National Assembly at the Palace of the People. The allies of the UDPS are not using the same logic in their understanding of the political evolution of the country.

UDPS President Etienne Tshisekedi, who does not recognize the results of the presidential or the legislative elections, is threatening to exclude all UDPS delegates who join the National Assembly.

This is a divisive position for the UDPS and its allies.

In Kinshasa, few political parties or groups are in support of the strategy advocated by the Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS) of boycotting the institutions resulting from the presidential and legislative election of November 28. The second most influential force for the opposition, Jean-Pierre Bemba’s Movement for the Liberation of the Congo (MLC), does not support empty-chair politics and in contributing 24 delegates to the National Assembly, purports to belong, as in 2006, to a “republican opposition.” The same goes for Vital Kamerhe’s Union for the Congolese Nation (UNC), with 17 delegates, and Support for Etienne Tshisekedi (SET), which finally decided to send its delegates to the Assembly. Its president, Roger Lumbala, who campaigned for Tshisekedi, states that he is “selfish” to proclaim himself “elected president” and to prevent others from participating in the institutions. Right now, only Diomi Ndongala of Christian Democracy (DC) has stated that he will not be on the benches of the National Assembly.

d. The UDPS persists in boycotting institutions, but not everyone agrees

On March 1st, some of the delegates from the Forces Committed to Change, including some from the UDPS, attended the plenary session of the National Assembly.

But they had to explain their decision to ultimately participate. One of the new delegates from the UDPS, the Honorable Romain Kalonji Mukendi from the Miabi precinct in Kasai-Orientale, stepped forward at the beginning of the plenary session with a motion to provide the requested information. The motion was granted to him by the president of the provisional board of the National Assembly, Timothée Kombo Nkisi. Unfortunately, Kalonji Mukendi did not have the opportunity to finish his prepared text, as he was abruptly interrupted by deafening boos from the the delegates of the majority present in the convention hall.

This interruption did not swallow up Kalonji Mukendi’s criticisms of the elections of November 28, 2011 at the beginning of his motion: “We consider the elections of November 28 a farce organized by the National Independent Electoral Commission to allow the outgoing majority to retain power. This politics of immorality, characterized by the granting of influence to those who were not elected by the sovereign people, at the expense of the winners resulting from the true forces of change, must be corrected by real political engagement.”

Invited by the president of the provisional board to take his place again following the boos that prevented him from reading his motion, the UDPS delegate continued outside the convention hall in front of the journalists at the end of the session.

At that time, the Honorable Kalonji, speaking for the Forces Committed to Change, gave the reasons for the decision by the delegates of the UDPS and its allies to attend the assembly after the UDPS leadership, including Etienne Tshisekedi wa Mulumba, chose to boycott: “It is in the interest of blocking the way for predators and securing the interests of our bruised people that we made the decision to take up the mandates of delegates, in order to expose all the frauds and engage in discussions to resolve the electoral crisis.”

With this strategic choice: “We would like to assure the Congolese people of our faithfulness, our unflagging commitment, and our loyalty to the elected president, Etienne Tshisekedi wa Mulumbu, and to endow the country with a model of a modern, democratic state, in order to achieve social progress.”

And continuing: “We would also like to specify that accepting these mandates does not mean that we accept the results of the elections, which we continue to consider non-credible, an assessment that the Carter Center, incidentally, has just reconfirmed.”

In response to a question posed by a journalist, Kalonji Mukendi affirmed that the presence of the UDPS delegates at the National Assembly was endorsed by Etienne Tshisekedi.

On March 2nd, following a four-hour-long interview with the president of the Christian Democracy, Eugène Diomi Ndongola, in his residence on the Street of Petunias, Etienne Tshisekedi affirmed that he never endorsed anyone in the UDPS participating in the National Assembly, and confirmed his decision to nullify the legislative elections of November 28th.

He warned everyone who is using his name improperly by participating in an assembly composed largely of delegates appointed by the current regime, in collaboration with the heads of the CENI.

Tshisekedi promised to soon deliver a declaration bitterly denying the allegations that he gave his approval to the opposition delegates to participate in the current National Assembly, which he judges to be illegitimate.

The political leader confirmed that the UDPS and other opposition delegates who are participating in the National Assembly are doing it on an individual basis and not in his name.

For the president of the UDPS, all the opposition members who have chosen to attend have simply given up the fight to reestablish the truth of the elections in favor of their personal interests.

He said he was convinced that the Congolese people’s great desire for change in the face of the electoral hold-up of November 28 is a much greater priority than the bribes that can be obtained by agreeing to participate in the assembly, which he considers an echo chamber for the views of those in power. For him, the only solution to the post-electoral crisis that the DRC is experiencing is to reestablish the truth of the elections. This opinion is shared by the president of the Christian Democracy, Eugène Diomi Ndongala.

On March 5th, the Youth League of the UDPS proposed excluding Romain Kalonji Mukendi and Alexis Mutanda’s party for taking part in the National Assembly, in defiance of the boycott advocated by Etienne Tshisekedi.

In a statement at the RTG@, delegate Romain Kalonji rejects this exclusion, which he considers illegal. According to him, he has a correspondence from Etienne Tshisekedi that authorizes him to participate in the lower house of parliament.

In an interview with L’Avenir, however, Raphael Kapambu, national secretary in charge of communication, information and mobilization of the UDPS, swore that the national president of the UDPS did not authorize any of the delegates to participate in an assembly that he had declared illegitimate.

As for the other delegates who took up their mandates, Raphael Kapambu is clear: “Everyone who sits on this Assembly supposedly in the name of the UDPS is not involved in the party and will be subjected to the same fate as Nkombo. It is inconceivable that a member of the party would agree to participate in an institution formed from the election whose results were declared null by his own political group,” he emphasized.

In any case, what the UDPS has to understand, according to certain observers, is that if it continues with this strategy of non-participation, the whole of the opposition will suffer for it. With the situation currently what it is, not taking part in the institutions will benefit neither the UDPS nor the people whose interests it is supposed to defend.

The Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS) is maintaining the suspense around its participation in the National Assembly formed by the legislative elections of November 2011. Placing second in the presidential election, the president of the UDPS has sworn not to associate his party with the electoral “masquerade” of the previous November. In other words, for Tshisekedi, his party’s participation depends on establishing the true election results.

And yet the refusal of the UDPS to sit on the National Assembly has only had a minor impact on the establishment of the lower house of parliament. In fact, ironically, that body is led by a president who comes from the ranks of the UDPS.

Within the party, widespread discussion has cleared up what some consider to have been a simple misunderstanding or a sign of jealousy on the part of the party members who lost in the latest elections.

Once more, the UDPS has seen fit to engage in empty-chair politics.

Prisoner of its desire to see Etienne Tshisekedi at the head of the DRC, the UDPS is having trouble getting involved in the institutional and political order of the country. The same perspective led Tshisekedi to decree the illegitimacy of the legislative elections of November 28, and to declare the institutional boycott that is preventing his party’s delegates from participating in the work of the National Assembly.

Apparently, the much talked-about boycott also serves as a source of pressure for Tshisekedi.

For the UDPS, is it about raising the stakes in order to better position itself as the government of a new prime minister is established. The question remains open.

2. THE EPISCOPAL CONFERENCE OF THE CONGO

On March 5th, a delegation of Catholic bishops led by the president of the National Episcopal Conference of the Congo (CENCO) visited Joseph Kabila at his Kingakati ranch east of Kinshasa. Later that same day, the bishops visited Etienne Tshisekedi of the UDPS, Vital Kamerhe of the UNC, and Professor Bongongo, representative of the candidate Léon Kengo wa Dondo, president of the UFC.

According to a statement from Abbot Léonard Santedi, secretary general of CENCO, “In their January 2012 message, the bishops of CENCO had asked the government to favor an inclusive dialog, in the best interests of the Congolese nation.

As priests living alongside the Congolese people, the bishops have noticed a persistent level of political and social unrest, creating frustration as much for the people as for the political actors of both the opposition and the majority. It is a cause for concern that cannot be ignored.

For CENCO, a dialog between the political actors and all of society’s active players in service of the common good and the interests of the Congolese nation remains the only way to resolve the current sociopolitical unrest in the DRC.

With this aim, the bishops have set about listening to everyone’s voice, in order to determine how to rebuild the country together with peace, justice and truth.”

After the Catholic bishops made contact with President Joseph Kabila and his main presidential opponents of November 2011 on March 5th, representatives of Etienne Tshisekedi’s UDPS and of the Presidential Majority stated that they would be agreeable to a dialog but reject the idea of sharing power. Both parties claim that they won the presidential election and invoke the constitution in favor of their claim.

President Kabila’s advisor in charge of relations with the parliament, Raphaël Luhulu, declared that “the president of the Republic and the presidential majority welcomes the dialog initiated by the bishops of CENCO. We encourage it, but we also say: dialog yes, but with respect for the laws of the Republic and the constitution.” According to him, Joseph Kabila had already declared his willingness to work with all of the Congolese: “Since December 20th, in his inaugural address, President Joseph Kabila who was the elected president said that he was open to dialog with all the sons and daughters of the DRC who love their country and who want to provide input in order to rebuild this country, to develop it and make it an emerging nation.”

The UDPS also welcomed the bishop’s initiative. But for them, the dialog must lead to the recognition of Etienne Tshisekedi’s victory in the 2011 presidential election. The party rejects all attempts at negotiation of ministerial positions under current circumstances. The UDPS assistant secretary general in charge of political and diplomatic issues, Raymond Kahungu Mbemba states: “The actions of the church show that things have not happened the way the people wanted. The elections did not proceed as expected by our people, who wanted change. The supposed elected president at the head of the country and the supposed elected delegates who attend meetings at the Palace of the People are not who the people expected. With this dialog, we expect that the church will explain to one and all the truth that must be told. Through this dialog, we can resolve the problem. If those who have seized power by force of arms do not understand it that way, we do not see why we should dialog with them.”

3. THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY

On March 1st, during a press conference that he organized at the American Cultural Center of Kinshasa, Marc Dillard, the spokesperson for the American Embassy in the DRC, stated that the American government encourages the elected delegates of all political parties to participate in the National Assembly.

By the same token, regarding the “post-electoral crisis” that has been observed recently in the Congolese political arena, he reported that “the United States encourages the establishment of an inclusive government in the DRC,” then added: “by ‘inclusive’, we mean that the government will be composed of all of the political parties in conflict.” Paraphrasing James Entwistle, the American ambassador in the DRC, Marc Dillard emphasized that any steps taken to create such a government must come from the Congolese themselves.

On March 2nd, in Kinshasa, Ingrid Rudin, the assistant secretary general in charge of the Swedish Socialist Party, in front of members of the UDPS – the league of women, the youth league, representatives of Tshisekedi and other leaders of the party – declared that “it is important that the UDPS sit on the National Assembly; it is a matter of expressing an opinion. This does not rule out pursuing the struggle outside of the institutions if necessary.”

Rudin had already seen Tshisekedi twice on the Street of Petunias in Limete. Sources report that at the first meeting, the two had parted on a discordant note, the Swede stubborn in her position that the UDPS delegates should participate in the debates of the National Assembly and Tshisekedi just as intractable in his decision to consider the legislative election null and void. A second meeting was arranged to provide another opportunity to compromise, but no compromise was reached.

4. A NECESSARY DIALOG

It now seems that nothing will stop the national institutions from being put into place, even though all the parties have recognized the serious irregularities that have called their legitimacy into question.

Meanwhile, the UDPS threatens to exclude their delegates from the party if they continue to participate in the National Assembly. Etienne Tshidekedi’s party has decided to remain outside of the national institutions. Thus the political crisis takes shape and becomes more entrenched.

It is time to take concrete, achievable, and courageous steps. First, Joseph Kabila and Etienne Tshisekedi must meet face-to-face so that they can take stock of the crisis in a way that gives priority to the best interests of the Congolese people. It is certainly a difficult task, but it is a path to a lasting solution.

They must have a dialog, even if it is through credible spokespeople instead of face-to-face, in which a compromise can be found without sacrificing the interests of the people or the nation. Each will have to water down his message.

Dialog is also needed within the opposition and particularly within the UDPS. It must be acknowledged that although the “street” is a form of democratic expression, the street itself does not govern.

The opposition, including the UDPS, now has a chance to make its voice heard within the national institutions by abandoning the mistakes of the past (that is, empty-chair politics). The parliament is a forum that must not be overturned. Political pragmatism must be embraced. Particularly because the opposition does not have the political means to bring about the anticipated elections.

The post-electoral period has been difficult to manage. It would be surprising if it were otherwise, given the political situation marked by contentious elections and the lack of recognition of the latest election results. Although it is true that the political machine has kept on rolling, still the path has been strewn with obstacles. For example, the tense situation between President Joseph Kabila and Etienne Tshisekedi, leader of the UDPS and “unlucky” candidate for president, according to the results of the electoral commission. Though the former has settled into his position following the announcement of the results by the CENI, confirmed by the Supreme Court of Justice, the latter rejects these results and considers himself the President of the Republic.

Whether we want it or not, the political crisis is here. It would be dangerous and irresponsible to adopt a politically blind and deaf outlook in order to sweep away this evidence. We must not hide our faces from this.

Certainly, the elections are in the past. The results are what they are after all the parties involved, including the CENI and outside partners, have recognized that the elections were marred by serious irregularities. Beyond that, the different groups are divided, and the debate revolves around the legality and legitimacy of the results. But meanwhile, the political process advances with the implementation of new national institutions, though the challenges have not stopped. This does not favor a climate of peace.

The current political crisis is dependent on the attitudes of President of the Republic Joseph Kabila Kabange and of Etienne Tshisekedi, his political opponent. In such a situation, building a bridge between the two men poses real problems, due to their diametrically opposing positions. Joseph Kabila insists strongly on his legality, while Etienne Tshisekedi reasons with the logic of “liberation.”

However, voices have been raised in favor of finding common ground between the two figures in the near future. It is important that they agree to work toward the same goals, despite their differences. We are far from suggesting that the two be brought to together to embrace each other, but all the better if such a thing were possible in the best interests of the nation. But we must avoid “governing through defiance” or “rendering the country ungovernable” by a succession of protests that will play into the hands of the DRC’s enemies. To avoid this political impasse, dialog is the only guaranteed means of achieving lasting solution. It is the panacea, and the only path, with the only condition that all of the players act with political courage.

5. A LETTER FROM SOUTH KIVU

For several days, I have been in Mulongwe, a very densely populated neighborhood of Uvira (South Kivu). I am trying to understand the state of mind of the people here. It is said that they are discouraged and disappointed. “If there is something positive in the elections,” a man told me, “it is perhaps the fact that the widespread corruption in our country now has the attention of the international community.” The international community is often considered like a sort of patron saint, who can be appealed to.

At the same time, there are day-to-day challenges. Officials have not been paid in two months. Those charged with collecting taxes abuse their positions. In schools the fees are still usually paid, at a rate of three dollars for primary school and six dollars for secondary school, at the very cheapest. Other than the rich people, some of whom build multi-story houses, people generally eat one small meal a day. This meal is generally taken in the evening or even at night, since in Uvira it has become normal to buy food late at night, at least for those who were unable to earn enough during the day. Yesterday I saw a deceased student being taken to the cemetery, who had died unexpectedly in school. There was a purple pall spread over the little coffin.

Nevertheless, people still smile, even if their future seems very uncertain. Their hope is placed on the village of Kiliba, where an old sugar refinery is now managed 51% by Tanzanians and 49% by Congolese. Many hope to get a job there. At the moment, they are increasing the number of sugar cane plants.

The fact that everyone is trying to survive at the expense of everyone else makes the whole situation feel like a prison that encloses the entire world. There is a “system,” according to a Mulongwe professor. Teachers and professors demand a contribution to supplement their 50,000 Congolese franc salaries, and drive out of school all the students who do not pay. If you want to be treated at the hospital, you have to pay. Right now, storekeepers have to pay a “value added tax,” which raises prices. The state officials go from house to house demanded a property tax, but then fail to provide an acknowledgement of receipt. And if you want to survive, you must enter into the “system” and impose it on others, at least wherever you can exercise any power.

There are also miracles, however. For years, John has helped the prisoners of the central prison, doing everything possible to ensure that they receive the food that is in fact allocated to them by the state. After the death of her handicapped daughter, Mama Salomé brought home a handicapped boy. Many people are committing themselves to justice for free.

Lately, there is much less security, whether in the city districts (people hang around in the streets until late in the evening and sometimes meet around a television, to watch a movie or the Africa Cup championship), or on country paths.

Such is the Congolese life: with its anguishes and its joys, its disappointments and its hopes, but always with the certainty that night will give way to the next day’s dawn.

Teresina Caffi

Mulongwe – Uvira (Sud Kivu), 25 January 2012

 

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This newsletter translated into English has kindly been carried out within the project of free translation of documents and websites for  non-profit organisations . It was supervised by the translation agency Mondo Agit and the translators Amanda Bickel and Laura Sard

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