SUMMARY

Editorial

1. ELECTION CAMPAIGN ENDS IN VIOLENCE

An Atmosphere of Uncertainty

The eve of the elections in Kinshasa: tension mounts, rallies cancelled. Tshisekedi defies the authorities’ ruling

Vital Kamerhe denounces the attitude of the authorities

2. THE CONDUCT OF THE ELECTIONS

The eve of the ballot

The day of the elections

3. INITIAL EVALUATION OF THE BALLOT

A debate during the broadcast “Dialogue Entre Congolaise”

Communiqué from AETA – EURAC

Communiqué from the European Union Election Observation Mission

4. ACCEPTANCE OF THE BALLOT RESULTS IN DANGER?

Etienne Thsisekedi’s declaration

Petition from Léon Kengowadondo, Antipas MbusaNyamwisi and Adam BomboleIntole

Communiqué from Vital Kamerhe

Press Conference by Daniel NgoyMulunda, President of the Electoral Commission

EDITORIAL

 

Between fear and hope

On 28 November, the people of the Democratic Republic of Congo voted to elect both members of Parliament and a president. A large section of the population of Congo treated this second rendez-vous in their history with free, transparent and democratic elections with a mixture of hope, disillusionment, and trepidation.

Hope that they would be able to punish through the ballot box a political class that was ineffective and avaricious, and replace them with new set of personalities who were devoted to the well-being of the people. Disillusioned by the reappearance of candidates who had already demonstrated evil intent. Afraid of falling victim once again to armed conflict instituted by the “unlucky candidates” in the quest for power.

Yet there was also something new among the Congolese people: an awareness of what was going on, the will to exercise their right to freedom of speech, and the courage to express themselves, even if this put their lives at risk.

 

A clear will to vote

The Congolese people demonstrated their democratic will through active participation in the elections, even in very difficult circumstances. In fact, many things were not easy. Often, people’s names did not appear on the electoral register. Sometimes electoral equipment did not arrive, or was insufficient. Sometimes an unexpected change in polling arrangements meant that voters had to walk several kilometres in order to be able to vote. In other cases voters had to return to polling stations the next day, as on Election day the station had not opened its doors on account of a lack of ballot papers. In certain places voters had to face violent attacks carried out by the enemies of peace, and one person died. Sometimes they reacted quickly where there was evidence of vote rigging, recognising that ballot papers marked in advance in favour of a certain candidate were being slipped into the ballot boxes. Despite the disorder, the disorganisation, the irregularities, the attempts at ballot rigging, the tense moments, the deaths … the elections were nonetheless a clear demonstration of the desire of the people to participate in the construction of democracy. The Congolese people wished to send a strong message to the politicians and “warlords”: one gets into power by legal means, or holds on to it by legal means, not by force of arms, but by means of the vote exercised by the people.

 

And now what?

The cases of foul play, of attempts to influence the voting of certain electors, of voting being made impossible … are still to be examined, but, in general, observers have not yet found any grounds for demanding that the ballot be annulled. And now? There are many challenges facing the Congo, it is essential that these be surmounted. After the result of the presidential election, expected on 5 December, how will the losing candidates react? Are they prepared to accept and respect the result published by the Electoral Commission? If these results are to be contested, are they prepared to have recourse to the judicial mechanisms and legal procedures?

The logic of acquiring power through force of arms has not been eliminated. Even during the years of so-called “democracy”, armed groups and rebel chiefs, guilty of the most heinous crimes, have formed part of the armed forces of the State and even of the political class itself. Henceforth others may wish to seize or hold on to power by their own methods. Behind any putative armed struggle for power lies the long arm of certain foreign powers, all too willing to sacrifice the interests of the people of the Congo for their own benefit. Now, before the eyes of these international powers, the people who have gone to the polls have raised themselves up like ramparts; men, women, old and young alike, who have witnessed too much blood-letting, and who will no longer tolerate another descent into violence. It is to be hoped that not only those who are elected, but also those who are not, will at least respect the people’s right to peace. Those who lust for power, both Congolese nationals and their foreign patrons, should understand that there is nothing stronger than a nation standing up for itself. Our duty is to keep vigil with the people.

 

1. ELECTION CAMPAIGN ENDS IN VIOLENCE

An Atmosphere of Uncertainty

With the suspicions of fraud, logistical delays, the numerous confrontations between government supporters and the opposition, the presidential and parliamentary elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo have taken place in an atmosphere of heightened tension. Three days after voting, the contesting of results is the main threat hanging over the ballot, with fears that the situation may yet slide into violence.

Several issues were the subject of debate before the ballot: the ‘abnormal’ increase in the number of people eligible to vote, the significant amount of ‘duplication’ on the electoral register, minors with polling cards, and recently, the existence once again, of fictitious polling stations … the CENI completely denied all of these allegations and insisted that the elections should take place as planned on 28 November, and that they would be ‘free and transparent’.

For local and international NGOs on the ground, “there was a significant risk of large-scale fraud”.

There is therefore total suspense about the outcome of the elections and noone can predict the reaction of the losing candidates when the results are announced. After the violence that took place before the election, the worst is to be feared, and the spectre of an “Ivorean” scenario is probable at this point, with both candidates declaring themselves the winner the day after the result is declared .

 

On the eve of the elections in Kinshasa: tension mounts, meetings are cancelled.

On 26 November, the Governor of the town of Kinshasa, André Kimbuta cancelled all of the meetings scheduled for the close of the election campaign. Joseph Kabila was supposed to hold a meeting in Martyrs’ Stadium, Etienne Tshisekedi in the Place du Cinquantenaire, and Vital Kamerhe in Tata Raphaël Stadium.

The spokesperson for Provincial Government of Kinshasa, Thérèse Olenga, declared that this decision, taken in consultation with the Provincial security Committee, was intended to “to maintain public order and keep the peace”. According to her, the governor’s decision was motivated by the escalation in violence observed in the town, most notably “on the main road leading to N’djili Airport where the three candidates will, by coincidence, all be returning to the town today.”

The day began with an atmosphere of relative calm. At around 9a.m., members of the PPRD, the ruling party, and supporters headed towards the Martyrs’ stadium for the last electoral address by candidate Kabila. Those from the UDPS gathered at the Place du Cinquantenaire, a hundred metres from the Martyrs’ Stadium for the last meeting by candidate Tshisekedi. The two groups traded insults. Tension started to mount, and police dispersed the UDPS militants using tear gas. On the Boulevard Sendwe, near the entrance to the Tata Raphaël Stadium, there was stone throwing between supporters of PPRD and those of the UNC candidate Vital Kamerhe, whose meeting was scheduled for that morning. Shortly before midday, at the Matete Bridge on the boulevard leading to N’djili Airport, there were clashes between UDPS militants and those from the Parti Lubumbiste Unifié {PALU; the United Lubumbist Party}, which supported Joseph Kabila’s candidature. Several people from both sides were injured. The PALU militants accused the UDPS of attacking them at their headquarters. The UDPS claimed that they had been provoked into confrontation while they were going to the airport to welcome their candidate, Etienne Tshisekedi. Police fired rounds into the air to separate the two groups. Several people appear to have been held for questioning. In Kingasani, a working class district reputedly sympathetic to the opposition, situated in the East of Kinshasa on the road leading to N’Djili Airport, a number of skirmishes between supporters of Tshisekedi and those of Kabila resulted in “the death of one man killed by a stone that had been thrown”. In the early afternoon the governor of Kinshasa made his ruling. All of the meetings planned for the day were prohibited in order to “maintain public order and keep the peace”, confirmed Thérèse Olenga, spokesperson for the provincial government.

“This is political repression. This is their (the powers that be) only way of stifling the free expression of the people. We will not allow this to be done to us,” declared Jacquemin Shabani, secretary general of the Union pour la Democratie et le Progrès Social (UDPS), the party of Etienne Tshisekedi, the main rival of outgoing president Joseph Kabila .

 

Tshisekedi defies the authorities’ ruling

Although it was expected during the morning at N’djili International Airport, Tshisekedi’s plane from Bas-Congo actually landed at around 2p.m. in N’dolo Airport in the centre of Kinshasa. On his arrival, having been informed of the governor’s decision, he declared: “is that right? Well, I’ll be holding a rally today regardless … what does this governor think he’s doing? We’ll see if he dares to come to the stadium to stop me holding my rally”, and he then left by car … in the direction of N’djili International Airport.

Despite the prohibition on all assemblies, Etienne Tshisekedi ordered his supporters to gather at the Martyrs’ Stadium. “We’ll go to the Martyrs’ Stadium, that’s where I’ll hold the rally”, he called to several thousand of his supporters at N’djili Airport before heading off towards town, standing up in a red, open-topped 4 X 4.

His convoy was quickly blocked by four police pick-up trucks as well as a large armoured and mesh screened lorry situated across the exit to the Congolese capital.

At around 23.30, half an hour before the end of the election campaign, he was forced to leave the airport and returned to his home in Kinshasa under police escort .

On 27 November Etienne Tshisekedi decided to defy the regime of President Joseph Kabila as well as the international community and call a general meeting of all of his supporters in the Martyrs’ Stadium at 3p.m., despite the fact that the electoral campaign had already ended. He also demanded the immediate departure of the UN special representative and chief of the United Nations Mission in DRC (MONUSCO), Roger Meece, who was considered to be too close to the outgoing president.

Not a single demonstrator was to be seen that afternoon in the vicinity of the Martyrs’ Stadium, where Etienne Tshisekedi had called his supporters to meet. The Congolese Police, on the other hand were out in force at around 3.30p.m., with armoured trucks, water cannon and riot police .

 

Vital Kamerhe denounces the attitude of the authorities.

On 27 November, presidential candidate (ranked fifth), Vital Kamerhe, denounced the ‘very sombre’ end to the campaign in Kinshasa. The president of Union for the Congolese Nation (UNC) deplored “the entirely gratuitous deaths of at least fifteen people at the hands of the forces of law and order”. According to him the tension observed in the Congolese capital on Saturday was foreseeable. “The governor of Kinshasa knew very well that in authorising the three main parties, the PPRD, the UDPS, and the UNC, to arrange their rallies on the same day in the same area would lead to preparations being made for civil disorder”, declared Vital Kamerhe. He also condemned the blockading of Etienne Tshisekedi at N’djili Airport by officers from the Congolese National Police (PNC). Vital kamerhe demanded that Etienne Tshisekedi’s freedom of movement be restored in accordance with the DRC’s constitution. The UNC candidate also deplored the cases of electoral fraud in the days leading up to the vote on 28 November. He presented a ballot paper for the presidential election which was already in circulation .

 

2. THE CONDUCT OF THE ELECTIONS

The eve of the ballot

On 26 November the last day of the election campaign, the difficulties in the final minutes showed the extent of the work still to be accomplished. The National Independent Electoral Commission struggled to dispatch electoral equipment and ballot papers on account of bad weather that prevented some planes and helicopters from taking off. “Thirty three flights have been unable to take off on account of weather conditions and we are therefore in the process of taking special measures to make up for the time lost. But we can reassure you that the elections will take place well and truly on 28 November 2011,” declared the CENI spokesperson, Matthieu Pita. While demonstrations by voters unable to find their names on the electoral register were reported in several towns across the country, Mr Pita guaranteed that every person in possession of a polling card would be able to vote.

For its part, the UDPS, of candidate Etienne Tshisekedi, continued to make allegations of fraud. Activists claimed that they had snatched a ballot paper from some unknown individuals who were transporting a large quantity of these in their car. In South Africa, where the ballot papers were printed, the newspaper Mail and Guardian claimed on the Friday that its reporters had seen apparently authentic voting papers being circulated in the Congolese community. The DRC ambassador there declared that these must be fakes and that no one could have had access to ballot papers at that time .

On 27 November during a press conference, the president of the CENI, Daniel Ngoy Mulunda, announced that all of those people whose names did not appear on the electoral roll were to attend polling stations where whey would be registered to vote. He stated that polling stations would open at 6a.m. and close at 5p.m. (local time), adding that all polling stations would remain open for eleven hours and so, if a station opened late, at 10a.m., for example, it would stay open until 9.p.m. and so on. Meanwhile, any voters who were outside the polling station at the time it was due to close would be allowed to vote. “The station manager will retrieve their polling cards and they will be able to vote”, Ngoy Mulumda claimed.

It was planned that the use of indelible ink would prevent anyone from voting twice. With regard to the issue of ballot papers already in circulation, as announced in several towns, the Rev. Ngoy Mulunda asked for proof, letting it be known that there may be cases of fake papers. Finally, the president of the CENI warned that candidates self-proclaiming victory would not be tolerated .

 

The day of the elections

On 28 November the stations started to open their doors at 6a.m. local time. While in many stations, the vote was conducted calmly and normally, despite numerous difficulties, in other places it was more problematic or even had to be postponed. Some polling stations opened late on account of the late arrival of electoral equipment, such as ballot papers, ballot boxes or polling booths. In several polling stations voters found that their names were not on the electoral register. Some voters did not know the number of their polling station – as a number of people were shifted to a new location at the last minute. In these circumstances, they were to go to the enrolment centre where they had been registered as voters several months previously. Tired of going from one polling station to the other trying to trace their name on the register, many gave up trying to vote altogether.

By mid-morning the electoral process appeared to be in chaos everywhere, with a large number of incidents.

The most serious took place in the Njanja district of Kampemba, in Lubumbashi, the capital of Katanga Province (South East). According to a spokesperson for the CENI, a group of armed men in plain clothes and wearing red bandanas, burst into the local polling station and ordered both officials and voters to leave. “We have come to liberate you”, they said. When two policemen on duty there tried to intervene, the gunmen opened fire at point-blank range, the CENI official, who asked to remain anonymous, continued. One female voter was also killed in the attack. Moreover, at dawn, even before the polling stations opened for presidential and parliamentary elections, the town had been host to an attack on a convoy of eight jeeps delivering election equipment under police escort. Fire destroyed two of the vehicles and almost 1000 ballot papers. Police opened fire and some of the attackers were wounded.

Responsibility for the attack was claimed by an ex “Gendarme Katangais”, the Katanga separatist movement.

“We want a referendum on self-determination, not this vote that has nothing to with us in Katanga”, declared “Lieutenant” Chana Kazi, calling from South Africa. He also claimed that the group was responsible for the attack during the night of Saturday – Sunday at an army camp and ammunition dump in Lubumbashi (where at least one person was killed and another seriously wounded, according to a military source). The “Gendarmes Katangais” first appeared at the beginning of the 1960s seeking the secession of Katanga proclaimed by the politician Moïse Tshombe.

The situation was also tense in the province of Eastern Kasaï, stronghold of the opposition candidate Etienne Tshisekedi, where fifteen polling stations were set fire to, ballot papers stolen, and others placed in the ballot boxes before voting officially opened. Those boxes filled in advance were set fire to by an angry mob.

At Mbuji Mayi, in Eastern Kasaï, ballot papers for the presidential election from which the box for candidate no11 (Etienne Tshisekedi) was missing, were set on fire: “a problem with cutting” said the CENI. In the same province, a box of ballot papers already marked in favour of the outgoing president was intercepted and the burned at Ngandajika.

In the Bandundu region, electoral equipment had not arrived in the towns of Tembo and Banzi by the morning of the election. A Congolese Army aircraft took off from Kinshasa, but was short of fuel, and had to land in Kikwit, where it was stranded due to the lack of available fuel.

In Idiofa and Mangayi, in Bandundu, polling stations set up in private residences were the scene of violent clashes between activists of different factions.

In Beni, in the Nord Kivu region, townspeople were alarmed following a massive prison breakout in the town. Among the escapees, were several military prisoners.

In Goma (Nord Kivu), international observers reported several instances of ballot box stuffing. At the Cemcem high school not all of the witnesses were allowed entry to the polling station and those who were allowed could only stay for around thirty minutes. According to one voter contacted by telephone, some of those who came to vote were foreign nationals. But it must be pointed out that they had all of the relevant documentation as, according to this voter, they had been enrolled in their own country, Rwanda, while others had paid ten dollars to obtain a polling card.

In the Masisi Territory (Nord Kivu), some lay observers reported that people were voting without polling cards, and on several occasions, this included the police and the military. At Muheso, it was reported that ballot papers ran out of stock in at least four stations. Voters were dispersed and their cards confiscated by FARDC soldiers. In the city of Kitchanga, polling officials followed voters into the polling booths to force them to vote for a particular candidate.

In Bukavu (Sud Kivu), the border with Rwanda remained until 10p.m. on 27 November, with a massive influx of people into the DRC. The law stipulates that the borders be closed 48 hours before polling day.

In Kindu, in Maniema, police surprised a CENI official on Saturday evening, with ballot papers in his bag.

In Kinshasa, according to witnesses, local people in two districts seized four and five cases respectively of ballot papers already marked for one particular candidate. In the Masina district, thirty polling stations only had ballot papers for the parliamentary elections. In this district, therefore, voters were unable to vote in the presidential election .

UDPS Presidential candidate, Etienne Tshisekedi, who was supposed to be voting in one of the working class districts in the East of Kinshasa, had to change his plans and vote in the Lubumba Institute, a school not far from his house, in order to avoid clashes. Accompanied by several thousand activists, his way had earlier been blocked by police on the main road between the airport and the capital .

During a press conference in Kinshasa, Mathieu Mpita, spokesperson for the CENI, announced that polling for the presidential and parliamentary elections would be extended in those areas where they had not taken place due to delays in the delivery of electoral equipment.

In a press release the CENI announced that “those polling stations carrying out the voting procedure and still experiencing high volumes of voters, will remain open until the queues have gone down, including those people whose names don’t appear on the register, so long as they have cards bearing the name of the polling station concerned. Voters at sites that have not yet received equipment and so have not yet opened should wait for the arrival of equipment” .

On 29 November, voting began in those places where it had not previously been possible to organise them on account of the lack of equipment. This was the case most notably in Fizi, Baraka, the high plateaux of Mimembwe and Mwenga (Sud-Kivu), Bongandanga (Equateur), Panzu (Province Orientale), and Masina Syforco (Kinshasa), among others, where voting had not taken place on account of the non-arrival of electoral equipment.

 

3. INITIAL EVALUATION OF THE BALLOT

As to the outcome of the elections, politicians, observers and political analysts have been evaluating the situation as the ballot progressed. In the course of the broadcast Dialogue Entre Congolais (DEC; Congolese Debate), members of the Government thought that voting was well conducted across the board, while members of the opposition were more sceptical: the CENI had failed “lamentably”.

One member of the government, André Alain Atundu Liongo, acknowledged that the elections had been organised under difficult circumstances, in his opinion not perfect but perfectible. While deploring all of the incidents reported, the president of the Convention for Democracy and the Republic (CDR) and member of the ruling coalition, André Alain Atundu, emphasised that the conduct of the election process overall was positive. “There are people who have incited voters to violence. It has been a day of wild rumours”, he declared.

On the opposition side, the national secretary for relations with political and social organisations of the Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS), Serge Mayamba, declared that the CENI was “confused about its role… Its mission has not been accomplished. There are voters who have been unable to locate their polling station”, he maintained. In the same vein, Ms Angèle Makombo, thought that the principal aim of the CENI to stage elections that were calm, free and transparent had not been achieved.

With regard to a possible annulment of the election, Professor Elykia Mbokolo, political analyst, declared that “the elections could be partially or wholly re-run only if the allegations or irregularities were serious and proven … if the results are contested it is up to the Supreme Court of Justice to decide whether to annul the election or not.”.

“The Supreme Court of Justice is not independent. There is widespread evidence of fraud in favour of one particular candidate,” replied the spokesperson for the Congolese National Union (UNC), Jean-Baudouin Mayo.

Without giving a precise answer to this question, Professor Comi Toulabour, research director of the “Afriques dans le Monde” Centre in Bordeaux, France, inquired “We believe that the irregularities are to the benefit of Kabila. And if it’s Tshisekedi who wins, will he accept the need for the elections to be rerun?” I

On 28 November, in a press release, the joint observation mission AETA- EurAc (Action for Peaceful and Transparent Elections and the European Network for Central Africa) noted that in certain polling stations visited there was a strong commitment by certain individuals involved. Nonetheless it drew the attention of both national and international opinion, to the following allegations noted in Kinshasa as well as in the provinces on the basis of observations received up to that time:

– The dysfunction in the system with the late opening of certain polling stations, and some remaining open only between 11a.m. and 1p.m.;

– The partial or total absence of electoral equipment in a number of polling stations, particularly ballot papers and polling booths;

– The exclusion of numerous voters omitted from the electoral register, but who possessed polling cards, and this despite the decision by the national Independent Electoral commission, CENI, to allow this category of voter to be entered on to an exceptional list, which provoked disorientation, discouragement and nervousness among these numerous voters;

– The hurried creation of enlarged polling stations some of which were unknown to voters and which resulted their being transferred sometimes long distances;

– The lack of security around electoral equipment, resulting in ballot papers, both marked and unmarked, outside of the polling stations and in the hands of third parties;

– The instances of dysfunctionality noted created tensions which led to the safety of certain national and international observers being put at risk. The joint AETA/EurAc mission demanded:

+ from the CENI: to take appropriate measures against all unauthorised use of ballot papers and to ensure that the electoral process be carried peacefully and transparently.

+ for the services charged with electoral security: to secure the safety of the people, witnesses, observers and candidates.

On 1st December the European Union Electoral Observation Mission (EU-EOM) raised concerns about irregularities during the presidential and parliamentary elections, but was awaiting the declaration of results before drawing final conclusions.

The EU-EOM noted that “the electorate came out in force to participate in a process that was not under proper control”, but it would not give definitive conclusions until after the result on 6 December, declared the head of the mission, Bulgarian Euro MP Mariya Nedelcheva, during a press conference in Kinshasa.

In the course of the ballot, the 147 observers raised concerns about “numerous irregularities, some of them serious” in 79% of the places they attended. Besides the late opening of polling stations or the lack of necessary equipment (such as ballot papers), the EU-EOM noted that ballot papers filled out in advance has been intercepted (three provinces), confidentiality of the vote not secured (one province), ballot boxes not sealed (three), voting by minors (two), interference by unauthorised individuals (two), persons voting on behalf of other voters (five), the ink proving that a voter had already voted hardly ever checked when entering the polling station (four).

The EOM criticised the failure to post electoral registers until after the legal time limit had expired in “163 instances” during the campaign, which in some cases was tantamount to a violation of human rights.

Presidential candidates did not benefit from equal access to broadcasting time on national television, outgoing President Joseph Kabila having been very clearly favoured (86%), far in front of his opponents Léon Kengowa Dondo (8%), Vital Kamarhe (3%), and Kabila’s principal rival, Etienne Tshisekedi (1%), according to Ms Nedelcheva.

The independence of the Supreme Court of Justice (CSJ), which deals with contested elections, was also “called into question” after the appointment by President Kabila, right in the middle of the campaign, of eighteen new magistrates “which could violate the conditions of the statute of magistrates”, the EU – EOM judged.

The mission was also concerned about the new procedure for dealing with contested results, henceforth to be in camera and no longer in public session, following the revision of the Election Act which came into force in August, and which had most notably brought into effect the hotly contested single ballot system.

The EU-EOM hoped, however, that “the CENI, as organiser for the ballots, would maintain its commitment to publish the results station by station in order to guarantee the transparency of the electoral process.”

 

4. ACCEPTANCE OF THE BALLOT AND THE ELECTION RESULTS IN DANGER?

On 28 November, in a declaration he made after casting his ballot shortly before the polls closed, Etienne Tshisekedi promised to respect the results of the ballot. “With the pressure brought to bear by the international community, I believe that the vote has been well conducted and I am going to accept the result at the ballot box”, he declared. One of his closest aides revealed that: “Even if there have been enormous irregularities, we are not going to ask for an annulment of the vote because we know that the result will be in our favour”. At the UDP, party managers were certain that those Congolese who are anti-Kabila would have been inclined to vote tactically, that is to say, to vote for Tshisekedi. They also declared that regions previously hostile to the opposition, such as Equateur and bas-Congo, were now on the point of tipping in favour of it.

Etienne Tshisekedi’s refusal to contest the ballot was astonishing. The UDPS in fact campaigned on the numerous irregularities in the registration of votes and on the risks of vote rigging during the election. The chaos and disorder on the day of the elections could easily have given them excellent reasons to reject the vote en bloc. But he appeared to be very sure of himself about the outcome of the vote, so that, if the CENI declared him the winner on 5 December, it would be better if he hadn’t contested the ballot a few days earlier! The president of the UDPS expected the CENI to tell “the truth”. Rest assured now, that if he should fail, he and his troops would accept the verdict of the ballot box.

On 29 November, three presidential candidates, Léon Kengo we Dondo, Antipas Mbusa Nyamwisi, and Adam Bombole Intole, demanded that the presidential and parliamentary ballots be declared invalid, complaining of “breaches and irregularities”. In a joint statement in support of their demands, they took issue with the prohibition of rallies on the last day of campaigning, the existence of polling stations that were either “fictitious or could not be located”, the shortage of ballot papers in certain polling stations as well as the discovery of ballot papers that were “unofficial, filled out in advance or blank papers” used for the benefit of Joseph Kabila, the outgoing head of state.

They also denounced “the use of the assets of the State” by Kabila, the failure to open of certain polling stations, the shortage of ballot papers “bringing about a reduction in participation rates by artificial means” and vote-counting “behind closed doors after refusing admittance to witnesses from the opposition” in several stations.

The three candidates “declared that they could give no credence to the results from such a ballot” and “demanded that the said ballot be purely and simply declared invalid in view of its shortcomings and irregularities.”

On 30 November, Vital Kamerhe reiterated all of his criticisms in respect of the organisation of the elections in a press release, but he made clear that he was not demanding that the ballot be annulled. However he confirmed that he would be the first to contest the fraudulent elections if “nothing is done” by the CENI, MONUSCO and the international community “be it to correct or annul this shameful ballot”. In an 11-page indictment dated 28 November, the day of the elections, he denounced in particular “fraud wilfully organised by the powers that be”. There can be no doubt as to scale of the fraud deliberately set about by the powers that be with the connivance of the CENI”, added Kamerhe in a letter addressed principally to the candidate and outgoing president, Joseph Kabila.

In the course of a press conference, the president of the CENI, Daniel Ngoy Mulunda, declared that the ballot of 28 November would not be annulled. He judged that “there was no reason to annul the elections.” According to the CENI, “99% of 63 865 polling stations opened on polling day, and only 485 experienced problems”. Instead he invited all of the candidates to wait patiently and calmly for the declaration of results, and not to rush into anything recklessly.”

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This English translation has been possible thanks to the project Mondo Lingua: Free translation of websites for NGOs and non-profit-making organisations. A project managed by Mondo Services. Translator: Scott Hunter – www.mondo-lingua.org